The documentary begins by introducing the premise of a 'rapeless' society in Bontok, a concept brought to the attention of the researchers through a talk by anthropologist Ma'am Jun. The striking claim that the Bontoc language historically lacked words or legal concepts for rape sparked the team's investigation into the truth behind this extraordinary social phenomenon. The personal experiences of the interviewer, a victim of abuse, further fueled the urgency and relevance of this research.

The team visits UP Baguio to meet Ma'am Jun, a renowned anthropologist specializing in Cordillera cultures. Despite her reputation, she declines an on-camera interview but provides crucial insights. She explains that her 1968-1970 immersion in Bontok society, initially focused on tribal warfare, revealed no concept of rape or corresponding punishment in their customary law. However, she cautions that her findings might not hold true today, given the 40-year gap and the constant evolution of societies. The researchers confront the possibility that the 'rapeless' society might no longer exist due to foreign influences.

To validate Ma'am Jun's historical claims, the research team travels to Bontok municipality, the heart of Bontok culture. They gather statistics from local institutions, revealing that while many barangays still report zero rape cases, some, particularly in the poblacion (town center), have recorded a few incidents over a decade. This finding suggests that the traditional 'rapeless' society might indeed be eroding, leading to a sense of defeat among the researchers. However, they ponder why older Bontoc individuals across villages unanimously state there is no rape ('idi awan'), questioning the implications of a term being absent from a culture.

The documentary identifies six factors that historically prevented rape in traditional Bontoc society. These include deeply ingrained moral beliefs like 'lawa' (forbidden acts, with incest being a severe one enforced by brother-sister avoidance practices) and 'inayan' (acts that anger spirits, such as outdoor sex). The clustered housing structure in Bontok villages, with thin walls and shared yards, meant a lack of privacy, deterring covert acts of violence. Furthermore, the absence of fences and padlocks historically indicated a high level of trust within the community.

The 'olog' and 'ato' institutions played a significant role. The olog, a communal sleeping quarter for marriageable girls, lacked locks and curtains, facilitating open courtship and ensuring public awareness of relationships, making pregnancy outside these norms easily traceable. The ato, serving as a sleeping quarter for boys and men, also functioned as a school, justice hall, and discipline office, reinforcing community values and male responsibility. These communal living arrangements fostered accountability and a collective sense of guardianship, preventing hidden abuses.

While women were historically excluded from the Ato, the traditional political structure, this was argued as a practical division of labor rather than discrimination, given the nature of warfare. During tribal wars, women, though often caught in the crossfire, were never raped, a testament to a unique cultural respect that made rape 'inayan' (forbidden) even amidst conflict. Men also shared childcare duties, challenging patriarchal norms. This mutual respect stemmed from shared responsibilities in laborious tasks like farming and the recognition of women's vital role in nourishing the community.

The Bontoc society's approach to relationships, including arranged marriages, was surprisingly simplistic. When a union was forced, the belief was that love would eventually develop. Rejection in courtship was met with the advice to simply woo someone else, reflecting a pragmatic rather than romantic view of love. The concept of sex itself was transactional, viewed primarily for procreation, and lacked a deep association with pleasure or erogenous zones. This perspective meant that bare-breasted women, common before foreign influences like electricity and media, did not invite sexual assault, highlighting a stark contrast to external rape culture.

The demanding agricultural lifestyle, especially maintaining the extensive rice terraces, necessitated constant hard work from both men and women. This intense labor left little room for idleness. As one elder put it, 'If you don't work, you will not eat.' This continuous engagement in productive activity, coupled with strong community oversight, left minimal opportunity for harmful behavior, shaping a society where vigilance was a communal responsibility. The rice terraces, far from being just a tourist attraction, deeply influenced the Bontoc mindset and daily life.

The documentary concludes by reflecting on the core lesson from Bontok society: the profound influence of communal structures and values on individual behavior. The interviewer realizes that her own traumatic experience could be linked to the perpetrator's idleness and the privacy afforded by modern housing. In contrast, the collective upbringing fostered by the ato system in Bontok instilled a 'rapeless mind.' While acknowledging the difficulty of reversing globalized modern influences, the film expresses hope that understanding and applying these traditional Bontoc principles can help societies evolve towards eradicating rape from their consciousness and vocabulary.