من يحكم الإعلام في المغرب؟ | رشيد الإدريسي | بودكاست من المغرب

Rachid El Idrissi explains the difference between public media, which acts as the official voice of the state, receiving government funding and adhering to state policies, and private media. Public media in Morocco includes channels like Al Oula and 2M, which are part of a public cluster. Private media, though limited to a few TV channels and several radio stations, generally enjoys slightly more freedom in social topics but remains constrained by political sensitivities, similar to public media. Both sectors are closely monitored by the state.

The discussion highlights a lack of genuine parliamentary accountability for public media in Morocco, unlike in countries like France and Britain, where media finances and content are scrutinized. While the Moroccan High Authority for Audiovisual Communication (HACA) sets guidelines for content, its oversight on financial matters is limited, as evidenced by critical reports from the Supreme Council of Accounts that often go unaddressed. This lack of rigorous monitoring allows for financial mismanagement and a lack of transparency in budget allocation.

The conversation reveals that private media's editorial decisions are heavily influenced by advertisers, who prefer entertainment over political discussions. This commercial pressure leads to a decline in political programs in private media and can also manifest as advertisers dictating content to avoid controversy or criticism of specific political parties or figures, essentially making the media beholden to financial interests rather than journalistic independence. El Idrissi criticizes the HACA for not intervening more effectively in such instances.

Moroccan media, both public and private, primarily focuses on highlighting national achievements and defending national causes, such as the Western Sahara issue, while maintaining a unified, state-approved narrative. Critical analysis and diverse viewpoints on political issues are often suppressed, leading to a superficial engagement with real national problems. The media's role often shifts to a 'calming' one during national crises, as seen during the 'Generation Z' protests, where discussions were allowed to vent public frustration but lacked sustained follow-up or genuine critical inquiry.

A significant critique is the absence of a strong Moroccan international media platform, similar to Al Jazeera or Al Arabiya, which could project the national narrative globally. Despite substantial budgets allocated to public media (around $100-175 million annually), these funds are often mismanaged or spent on low-quality productions. El Idrissi argues that the solution lies in freeing private media from state control and encouraging genuine private investment, allowing for competition and higher quality content that can effectively counter-narratives and promote Moroccan interests internationally.

El Idrissi explicitly states that poor management and corruption within Moroccan media institutions are major issues. He cites reports from the Supreme Council of Accounts highlighting mismanagement in channels like 2M, yet no corrective actions are taken. This corruption leads to a drain on resources and prevents the development of high-quality content. He advocates for a more stringent system of accountability and governance to ensure that public funds are utilized effectively to build a robust and impactful media landscape.

The discussion touches on sports media, particularly concerning the Africa Cup of Nations and the upcoming 2030 World Cup. Morocco, as a host country, is criticized for not leveraging its media to its full potential during such events. Unlike networks like beIN Sports, which offer extensive coverage and analysis, Moroccan sports channels often lack the resources or strategy to compete, relying on simulcasts from generalist channels. This highlights a broader issue of underinvestment and a lack of strategic vision in developing specialized media content capable of global outreach.

To prepare for major events like the 2030 World Cup, El Idrissi suggests fundamental changes for Moroccan media. This includes developing a strong external media presence to engage in 'narrative warfare' and counter misinformation, moving beyond a defensive stance. He also emphasizes the need for significant investment in high-quality productions, like historical dramas, to promote Moroccan culture and history, emulating countries like Turkey. The current system, he argues, focuses too much on viewership numbers and superficial content, neglecting the strategic importance of media in projecting a strong national image.