Summary
Highlights
The video is the second in a series covering the preparatory period of the National Struggle. The host, Ramazan Yetgin, introduces the topic with cameraman Murat and 'Nazım' preparing for the Sivas Congress. Yetgin emphasizes the importance of the period, hinting at upcoming exam questions related to various congresses and decisions, especially the Sivas Congress and Misak-ı Milli. He highlights the political climate, including attempts by Damat Ferit Pasha and British agent Major Noel to disrupt the Sivas Congress by inciting Kurdish tribes against Mustafa Kemal and the nationalist movement. Despite these efforts, most Kurdish tribes supported the National Struggle.
Mustafa Kemal initially aimed for nationwide elections for the Sivas Congress, but various obstacles led to low participation. Factors included the occupation of certain regions, the obstruction of delegates by officials like Ankara Governor Hacı Muhittin, and the threats of French Major Brunot to occupy Sivas if the congress proceeded. Additionally, some individuals failed to grasp the importance of the National Struggle or faced difficulties like lack of funds and transportation. Despite an expected 120 delegates, only 38 attended. Yetgin notes that the low attendance is a frequent exam question, emphasizing the difficulties faced in organizing the congress.
The Sivas Congress, held from September 4 to 11, featured significant debates. One major point of contention was the mandate system, which deeply divided delegates, including prominent figures like Refet Bele. Ultimately, the idea of a mandate or protectorate was definitively rejected. Other critical discussions included loyalty oaths to the Sultan, avoiding the resurgence of the Committee of Union and Progress, and the election of the congress president, which Mustafa Kemal won. The congress affirmed the decisions of the Erzurum Congress, unified all beneficial societies under the 'Anatolia and Rumelia Defense of Rights Society,' and established the 'İrade-i Milliye' newspaper to inform the public about the National Struggle.
A crucial outcome of the Sivas Congress was the appointment of Ali Fuat Pasha (Cebesoy) as the Commander of the Western Front's Kuvay-i Milliye. This marked the first instance where the Representative Committee (Temsil Heyeti), established at the Erzurum Congress, exercised executive authority. Yetgin stresses that this action, a form of government appointment, fundamentally demonstrated the Representative Committee's functional power. He reiterates that this specific event is a common exam question, asked in various forms relating to the Representative Committee's exercise of executive power and the appointment of the Western Front commander.
Despite initial debates and skepticism about the country's ability to stand alone, the Sivas Congress unequivocally rejected the mandate and protectorate system. Yetgin clarifies a common misunderstanding: some delegates requested an American commission (the Harbord Commission) not to accept a mandate, but to demonstrate the true demographics of the region (Turkish majority vs. Armenian claims) to international powers like the US Senate, relying on President Wilson's principles. General Harbord's report later confirmed the Turkish majority and the logistical challenges of a Greater Armenia project, supporting the Turkish nationalist narrative.
During his visit to Sivas on September 20, General Harbord met with Mustafa Kemal, who was reportedly ill with malaria. Harbord questioned Kemal's ability to succeed without an army, budget, or weapons. In response, Mustafa Kemal powerfully illustrated the scattered state of the nation (likening it to beads of a broken rosary) and his resolve to unite it, even if it meant perishing in the attempt. Harbord was reportedly moved and expressed understanding, acknowledging Kemal's determination. This encounter underscored Kemal's charismatic leadership and unwavering commitment to the National Struggle.
Following the Sivas Congress, Mustafa Kemal informed Sultan Vahdettin of the congress's decisions and sent a congratulatory telegram for Eid al-Adha, emphasizing their loyalty to the Sultan while opposing Damat Ferit Pasha's government. Damat Ferit, however, continued to portray the National Struggle as a rebellious movement. Following the congress, Mustafa Kemal intercepted telegrams revealing plots by Minister of Interior Adil Bey and Elazığ Governor Ali Galib to suppress the congress. In response, Mustafa Kemal severed all communication between Anatolia and the Istanbul government. This communication blackout, lasting from September 12 to 30, forced Damat Ferit Pasha to resign. His resignation marked the first political victory of the Representative Committee against the Istanbul government, leading to the formation of Ali Rıza Pasha's more conciliatory government.
The National Struggle heavily relied on print media. The 'İrade-i Milliye' newspaper, established during the Sivas Congress, was the first pro-national struggle newspaper, initially published in Sivas and later continuing in Ankara. The 'Hakimiyet-i Milliye', published in Ankara, became the semi-official organ of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) and was the first to publish the 'İstiklal Marşı' (National Anthem). The Anadolu Agency, founded on April 6, 1920, by Halide Edip Adıvar and Yunus Nadi under Mustafa Kemal's directives, played a crucial role in disseminating information and countering misinformation. Other significant pro-national struggle publications included 'Tasarruf ve Efkar', 'İkdam', 'Albayrak', 'Hukuk-u Beşer', 'Vakit', 'Akşam', 'Minber', 'İstikbal', 'İleri', 'Açık Söz', 'Sebilürreşad', 'Yeni Gün', and 'Güleryüz'.
In contrast to the pro-nationalist press, various publications actively worked against the National Struggle. Yetgin particularly highlights 'Peyam-ı Sabah', edited by Ali Kemal, who was a staunch opponent of the nationalist movement. Other anti-national struggle newspapers included 'Alemdar', 'Ferda', 'Türkçe İstanbul', 'Selamet', 'İrşat', 'Tan', 'Ümit', 'Zafer', and 'Ay Dede'. Yetgin notes that the innocuous-sounding names of some of these publications often belied their detrimental agenda. He stresses the importance of recognizing these opposition outlets, especially 'Peyam-ı Sabah' and 'Alemdar', for exam purposes, as they often posed questions about differentiating between supportive and opposing media.
Following Damat Ferit Pasha's resignation, the more conciliatory Ali Rıza Pasha government took power. This opened direct communication between the Istanbul government and the Representative Committee, which had been severed. Ali Rıza Pasha sent Bahriye Nazırı (Navy Minister) Salih Pasha to Amasya to meet with Mustafa Kemal, who was the head of the Representative Committee. This meeting, known as the Amasya Protocols, was historic as it was the first time the Istanbul government officially recognized the Representative Committee. This recognition was seen as a significant political victory for the National Struggle. The protocols discussed key issues including the election of delegates for the upcoming peace conference, the rights of minorities, the dissolution of harmful societies, and the reopening of the Ottoman Parliament (Mebusan Meclisi).
The Amasya Protocols led to the decision to reopen the Ottoman Parliament, with elections held across non-occupied territories. Mustafa Kemal was elected as a deputy from Erzurum. However, due to concerns about his safety and potential arrest in Istanbul, he did not attend the Parliament there. Instead, he sought a new center for the National Struggle, eventually choosing Ankara. Ankara was strategically favored for its central location, railway connections, communication facilities, and strong nationalist support from its populace. Mustafa Kemal's journey from Sivas to Ankara, through Kayseri, Kırşehir, and Nevşehir (where he garnered support from Alevi leaders), culminated in his arrival on December 27, 1919, to a grand reception by the people of Ankara.
Upon establishing Ankara as the new center, Mustafa Kemal met with the newly elected deputies for the Ottoman Parliament. He instructed them to form a 'Defense of Rights' group within the Parliament and to elect him as the Parliament Speaker. His aim was to eventually move the Parliament to Ankara for safety, leveraging the rule that a Speaker could relocate the assembly in times of occupation. However, the deputies, swayed by Sultan Vahdettin's rhetoric, formed the 'Felâh-ı Vatan' (Salvation of the Homeland) group instead. Despite this, this group, largely composed of Kemal's supporters, secretly drafted and adopted the 'Misak-ı Millî' (National Pact). This document defined the borders of the Turkish homeland and laid the foundation for the future Turkish state.
The Misak-ı Millî outlined several crucial points: 1) Territories not under enemy occupation as of the Armistice of Mudros (October 30, 1918) formed an indivisible homeland, including regions like Musul. 2) Plebiscites would be held in certain regions, including Western Thrace, areas with an Arab majority, and Kars, Ardahan, and Batum (Elviye-i Selase), to determine their future. 3) The security of Istanbul and the Sea of Marmara had to be ensured before the straits could be opened to international commerce. 4) Judicial, financial, and political restrictions (capitulations) would be abolished. 5) Minority rights would be equivalent to those granted to Muslim minorities in neighboring countries. Misak-ı Millî was a declaration of national independence and self-determination, though it did not explicitly address national sovereignty (republicanism), as that would have been an improbable topic for discussion in the Sultan's Parliament.
The adoption of Misak-ı Millî and its publication in some newspapers provoked the Allied Powers. Using the pretext of escalating nationalist activities and the perceived weakness of the Istanbul government, particularly after the Maraş Defense victory against the French and Armenians, the Allied Powers formally occupied Istanbul on March 16, 1920. This occupation involved seizing strategic locations, imposing censorship, and arresting prominent nationalist figures, including deputies like Rauf Orbay and Cevat Çobanlı, who were exiled to Malta. The Ottoman Parliament was eventually dissolved on April 11, 1920, by Sultan Vahdettin, marking the end of its legislative function and highlighting the severe constraints on the Istanbul government.
In response to the occupation of Istanbul, Mustafa Kemal took swift and decisive measures from Ankara. He ordered the destruction of railway lines at Geyve and Ulukışla to prevent Allied forces from utilizing them. He also ordered the arrest of Allied officers in Anatolia, mirroring the arrests of Ottoman officials in Istanbul. Furthermore, he instructed tax collectors to redirect funds from Istanbul-controlled institutions to the nationalist cause and severed all communication with the Istanbul government once again. These actions aimed to paralyze the Allied war effort, strengthen the nationalist movement, and demonstrate the Representative Committee's authority, paving the way for the opening of the Grand National Assembly in Ankara.