Ghaleb Bencheikh is Auditioned on the Links Between Political Movements and Islamism - 28/10/2025

The speaker, Ghaleb Bencheikh, an acknowledged Islamologist and president of the Foundation of Islam in France, is presented to the assembly. He is also a member of the Council of Wisemen for Secularism and Republican Values. The purpose of his audition is to identify Islamist movements in France, their ideology, and their strategies for influencing public policy. Bencheikh is asked to define the place of Islamist groups in France, their growing influence, and the pressures faced by public officials. He takes an oath to tell the truth.

Bencheikh states that he is not an expert on Islamist movements directly but will speak on the broader Islamic civilization and religious traditions. He emphasizes the need for a nuanced understanding of 'Islam' (civilization) versus 'islam' (religion). He highlights the current tensions in France regarding Islam and calls for greater comprehension. He mentions the historical context, including the Second Empire's 'islamophilie' and the non-application of the 1905 law on secularism in French colonies, which left a lasting impact. He notes the unique French situation compared to other European countries, particularly after 1979.

Bencheikh stresses the importance of semantic clarity, defining 'Islamism' as an exacerbated ideological interpretation of Islamic religious precepts for non-spiritual, social, and political ends. He explains that Islamism ranges from violent extremist groups like Daesh to political figures like Erdogan. He criticizes the indiscriminate use of the term 'Islamism' without proper discernment, which leads to misunderstanding.

Bencheikh proposes a four-pronged approach to address the issue: 1. The security response, acknowledging the efforts of law enforcement and intelligence services in preventing attacks. 2. The need for an alternative discourse rooted in Islamic civilization and religious heritage to counter radical narratives among youth. 3. Education, instruction, and the acquisition of knowledge in humanities, arts, and culture as a long-term solution to radicalization. 4. The role of the Republic in nurturing, educating, and protecting all its children, ensuring social cohesion and addressing feelings of alienation.

Bencheikh introduces the concept of "identity pincers," where two opposing forces threaten national unity: those who believe France is losing its identity due to what they perceive as foreign elements and those who, feeling perpetually seen as outsiders, seek identity in a transnational community of believers. He urges against considering issues related to Islam and immigration as totological, emphasizing that they are distinct but intertwined.

Bencheikh contrasts France's public discourse on Islam with that of Germany, where the word 'Islam' was not mentioned during the 2022 elections despite significant Muslim immigration. He argues that in France, 'Islam' is often associated with fear and backwardness. He criticizes a perceived double standard, where anti-Semitic humorists are banned, but political figures making anti-Islam statements can still run for the highest office. He acknowledges that some Muslim religious leaders were not initially proactive enough in condemning terrorist acts, leading to a perception of inaction.

Bencheikh elaborates on 1979 as a 'fateful year,' marked by events like the invasion of Afghanistan, Saddam Hussein's rise to power, the Iranian Revolution, and the occupation of the Grand Mosque in Mecca. These events, combined with the rise of Wahabism funded by petrodollars, led to a surge of retrograde and sectarian ideology being exported globally, including to Europe and France, further affecting Muslim-majority societies and creating severe challenges.

Bencheikh explains the Foundation's role, established as a secular, public utility foundation focused on cultural and educational aspects of Islam, not religious worship. Despite financial constraints, it provides scholarships for French youth to study Islamic culture and for imams to receive secular training in French law, history, and civic values. The Foundation also organizes itinerant popular universities to foster debate and critical thinking, and cultural programs like theater to address identity issues and promote vocations. It also works in prisons and offers online resources through its digital campus.

Bencheikh discusses the challenges of organizing Muslim worship in France, highlighting the paradox for public authorities who, by law, cannot interfere in religious organization, yet seek legitimate interlocutors. He attributes this situation to the 'incurie' (negligence) of French Muslims in uniting and establishing their own representative bodies. He asserts that Islam does not need to be 'compatible' with the Republic; rather, Muslims, like all citizens, must conform to the law and republican values (liberty, equality, fraternity). He outlines four immense tasks for Islamic theological thought in France: promoting freedom of conscience, ontological and legal equality, desacralization of violence, and the autonomy of knowledge from revelation.

Bencheikh addresses the term "Islamo-Gauchisme," calling for its banishment from political vocabulary due to its lack of academic rigor and common sense. He explains that the prefix "Islamo-" used with negative connotations (e.g., Islamo-delinquance, Islamo-fascist) is problematic as it associates Islam, a religion and civilization, with various ills. He acknowledges the existence of collusions between Islamist ideology and some far-left movements but insists on precise language rather than misleading portmanteaus.

Bencheikh notes that many Muslim voters in France often vote for La France Insoumise, not out of ideological alignment, but because they perceive this party as less insulting towards them compared to others like Reconquête or the Rassemblement National. He clarifies his previous statement about parties insulting Muslims. He also discusses the role of public authorities in addressing Islamist movements, emphasizing the need for robust action, distinguishing between Islam and Islamism, and avoiding stigmatization. He recounts his experience presenting the French model of secularism and freedom of expression abroad to counter misunderstandings following President Macron's statements on 'Islam in crisis' and caricatures of the Prophet.

Bencheikh discusses the term "Islamophobia." He explains its etymological meaning (fear of Islam) and argues that if one only hears about Islam through certain media, fear is understandable. He refutes the idea that the term was recently invented to stifle criticism, noting its historical existence since 1910. He suggests that if "Islamophobia" is deemed unacceptable, a neologism like "mis-islamia" (hatred of Islam) could be used. He highlights the actions of international bodies and other countries in addressing Islamophobia, and criticizes the absence of Muslims specifically in interministerial anti-discrimination efforts in France. He welcomes criticism of Islam, as long as it is academic and open to debate, believing that doctrines that shy away from scrutiny become vulnerable and resort to violence.