Summary
Highlights
In September 1965, Mexican-American farm workers in California, tired of inhumane treatment and poor working conditions, walked off the fields and refused to pick grapes. Led by Cesar Chavez, they demanded better wages, education for their children, decent housing, and to live without fear, shouting 'Welga' (strike).
The San Joaquin Valley was a fertile agricultural region where migrant farm workers lived in misery and poverty. They earned as little as $2 a day for backbreaking work, were exposed to pesticides, and had a life expectancy of 49 years. Education was limited as children often worked in the fields. These individuals were viewed as commodities, not human beings, leading to a cycle of poverty and illiteracy. The segregation of farmers from farm workers and races fueled a sense of isolation and fear, where ranchers held immense power.
Past unionization efforts had failed. However, with the end of the 'bracero program' in 1964 and a wildcat strike by Filipino workers in 1965, an opportunity arose. After a quick victory in Coachella, Filipino workers in Delano faced grower resistance. Knowing their strike would fail without support, they appealed to the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA), a Mexican-American organization led by Cesar Chavez. Despite immense risks, including job loss, deportation threats, and no strike fund, the NFWA voted on Mexican Independence Day (September 16th) to join the strike, inspired by Chavez's leadership and commitment to fighting for their rights.
Growers, many of whom were immigrants themselves, claimed they were sympathetic to workers but couldn't afford their demands. They settled in the San Joaquin Valley in the 1920s and 30s when land was cheap, and their businesses thrived after federal irrigation projects in 1951. Farm workers described long, hot, dirty workdays with no hope for a better future, feeling ignored, lazy, stupid, and consequently poor. This created a bitter atmosphere where legitimate grievances over working conditions were neglected by farmers.
Growers fought back with replacement workers and legal injunctions, limiting picketing effectiveness. Union leaders realized they needed to expand their struggle beyond the fields, initiating a nationwide consumer boycott against grapes and grape products. This tactic expanded the struggle, targeting Schenley Ranch and DiGiorgio Corporation. Cesar Chavez made it clear this was not just a labor strike but a civil rights movement, advocating nonviolence and human rights, addressing issues beyond wages like children's welfare, racism in schools, and police misconduct. Senator Robert Kennedy's involvement in Senate hearings highlighted the invisibility of farm worker struggles and gave the Delano strike national visibility.
After five months on strike, Cesar Chavez initiated a 300-mile pilgrimage from Delano to Sacramento, the state capital, to galvanize support and raise awareness. This march aimed to spread the message of the farm worker struggle throughout the valley and confront the deep-seated fear experienced by farm workers. Marchers, accompanied by the Virgin of Guadalupe banner, used religious imagery to legitimize their movement against accusations of communism. The protest also featured El Teatro Campesino, whose satirical skits ridiculed growers and empowered workers through self-expression and drama, fostering a new generation of organizers.
Chicano art played a crucial role in giving visual form to the aspirations and struggles of the movement. Without control over traditional media, posters, murals, paintings, and banners became essential tools to disseminate information, celebrate indigenous roots, and convey love for family and community, making their cause visible and widely understood.
Twenty-one days into the march, Schenley Corporation agreed to negotiate, marking the farm workers' first victory. Later, in 1967, DiGiorgio Corporation also signed a contract. However, 28 other growers, including the giant Jamara, refused to negotiate. The union then decided to boycott the entire grape industry, aiming to exert economic pressure on growers to force them to the bargaining table. Growers, however, maintained they would only talk to their workers directly, not with the union.
Farm workers ventured into unfamiliar urban environments to garner support for the boycott, asking for resources and sacrifice from supporters across the nation. The public responded enthusiastically, supporting the cause and putting pressure on chain stores. Mayors and religious leaders joined, and the boycott spread to Europe, where dock workers refused to unload California grapes. For young Chicanos, the movement became a pivotal experience, fostering pride and a sense of identity. By 1968, patience wore thin among some striking workers, with talks of violence against growers. In response, Cesar Chavez began a 25-day fast, a nonviolent act to reinforce their commitment to peaceful resistance, despite initial confusion and criticism from some followers and organizers.
Chavez's fast forced reflection on the struggle, solidifying the union's commitment to nonviolence, which was crucial for maintaining public support and the boycott's effectiveness. During his fast, Chavez appeared in court for picketing violations, where the presence of 3,000 peaceful farm workers at the courthouse shifted attitudes. Senator Robert Kennedy attended the mass where Chavez broke his fast, symbolizing strong political support, though his later assassination was a significant blow to the movement.
By 1969, the grape boycott had entered its fourth year, facing opposition from growers and California Governor Ronald Reagan. Despite dwindling resources, farm workers intensified their efforts in cities nationwide, leveraging the political climate of the Vietnam War era. By early 1970, the boycott started to have a significant economic impact, with grape shipments decreasing significantly. Chain stores, facing immense public pressure, began to stop selling grapes, forcing growers to their knees.
In April 1970, Lionel Steinberg signed the first contract with the National Farm Workers Association, recognizing the union. This created a dynamic where union-label grapes were preferred and sold at a premium, compelling other growers to seek contracts. Ultimately, on July 29, 1970, 26 Delano growers, including Jamara, signed historic contracts at the union hall, guaranteeing higher wages, a hiring hall, seniority, and pesticide controls. This marked a significant victory, transforming enemy territory into recognized rights, and teaching farm workers how to fight for and win their rights, inspiring a new generation of Chicano youth.