Summary
Highlights
By summer 1917, Russia was in disarray. The Provisional Government, though formally in power, held no real authority. Councils (Soviets) of workers and soldiers blocked government decisions and mobilized armed masses, leaving the state without means to maintain order. The political landscape was dominated by various socialist parties, whose ideas appealed to the masses concerned with land redistribution and ending the war.
Amidst the chaos, regions like Ukraine began demanding autonomy. The Central Rada in Kiev, despite lacking broad representation, declared itself the sole voice of the Ukrainian people and pressed the Provisional Government for autonomy. Their initial refusal led to the Rada publishing the First Universal Act, establishing its own government, the General Secretariat, and asserting control, a direct challenge to Petrograd. A deceptive military parade was even staged to impress visiting ministers.
The Bolsheviks, led by Lenin, saw an opportunity to seize power. Capitalizing on widespread war fatigue and promises of peace and land, they incited unrest in Petrograd. The 1st Machine Gun Regiment, reluctant to go to the front, became key agitators, influencing workers and Kronstadt sailors to join an armed protest. Lenin, though initially hesitant, implicitly encouraged the uprising.
The Provisional Government, though initially paralyzed, responded by publicizing accusations that Lenin and the Bolsheviks were German spies funded by German secret services. While the evidence was dubious, this information turned public opinion against the Bolsheviks. Troops loyal to the government, including those summoned from the front, quickly moved to suppress the uprising, arresting numerous Bolshevik leaders and dispersing the rebels.
Following the July Days, Alexander Kerensky became Prime Minister, consolidating power. With Lenin in hiding and numerous Bolsheviks arrested, Kerensky appeared victorious. Many, however, desired a 'strong hand' to restore order, looking to General Lavr Kornilov, a popular figure sympathetic to revolutionary causes but deeply opposed to anarchy in the military.
Kornilov, appointed Commander-in-Chief, advocated for martial law, reintroduction of the death penalty, and strict military control to restore discipline. These demands were seen by socialists as counter-revolutionary. The Moscow State Convention of August 1917 starkly highlighted the deep divisions in Russia, with Kornilov publicly expressing doubts about the army's loyalty and advocating for strong, autocratic rule, further straining relations with Kerensky.
A series of misunderstandings and miscommunications, largely influenced by the erratic actions of Vladimir Lvov, led to a fatal rupture between Kerensky and Kornilov. Lvov, a former government official, misrepresented Kornilov's intentions to Kerensky, claiming Kornilov demanded full governmental power. Believing he was facing a military coup, Kerensky declared Kornilov a rebel, dismissing him from his post.
Kornilov, refusing to resign, issued a manifesto accusing the Provisional Government of collusion with Germany. Kerensky, to counter Kornilov's advance, desperately turned to the Petrograd Soviet, distributing arms to workers, many of whom were Bolshevik sympathizers. This decision, ironically, allowed the Bolsheviks, previously suppressed, to re-enter the political arena. Kornilov's forces were halted by agitators, and he was ultimately arrested, effectively ending his bid for power.
Kerensky perceived his handling of the Kornilov Affair as another victory, with his rivals Lenin and Kornilov seemingly neutralized. However, his actions inadvertently paved the way for the Bolsheviks' resurgence. The very 'mutiny' intended to destroy the Bolshevik threat ultimately provided them with a critical opportunity to regain influence and prepare for their own bid for power, defining a dramatically different future for Russia.