Summary
Highlights
Professor J. Lorand Matory, author of 'Black Atlantic Religion' and chair of African & African-American studies at Duke University, discusses African-inspired religions. He begins with Haitian Vodou, clarifying that the preferred term is Vodou (or 'vodu') rather than 'Voodoo' due to negative connotations from film. He introduces a beaded flag honoring the goddess Lwa, representing beauty and the waters, and a 'dwu' made by a famous flag maker in Port-au-Prince. These flags, once made from recycled sequins, now use purchased sequins, highlighting economic changes and the elaboration of Vodou art. He describes Vodou as a religion of song, dance, animal sacrifice, and healing, deeply inspired by Central and West African cultures. It emphasizes humans as vessels of spirit, nourished by offerings, and celebrated through dance and drumming that can induce spirit possession.
Professor Matory addresses David Brooks' criticism of Vodou, which suggested it promotes capriciousness and a lack of planning. Matory argues this reflects Brooks' own cultural preoccupations and misconceptions. He explains that Vodou involves extensive planning, as seen in annual festivals, and structures mutual assistance networks for healing, housing, and support. He also counters Brooks' point on social mistrust, noting that mistrust can be logical, especially given Haiti's history of governmental betrayal, and that suspicion of others' intentions is a common human experience, even in Western cultures. He further differentiates between 'Voodoo' and 'Vodun', noting that 'Vodun' is preferred by Haitians and scholars to distance the religion from negative stereotypes. He explains that trees are significant in Haitian Vodun, symbolizing deep connections to ancestral and natural worlds, and that Vodun priests are often healers who use herbal medicine.
Professor Matory provides an overview of African and West Central African religions that influenced the Americas. He highlights the profound respect for ancestors, shown through practices like the Kota people's reliquary figures and the Yoruba people's twin images (iiji). These religions order society, legitimize authority, and provide healing systems for physical, mental, and spiritual misfortunes. He presents artifacts like a sculpture representing the gods Ayu (volcano) and Yaya (ocean), who are spiritual parents, and a mortar for Chango (thunder and lightning), whose colors (red and white) symbolize his fiery and protective nature. He also showcases a Vodou priest's necklace, symbolizing the multiplicity of spirits enveloping the body and community.
Matory discusses Santería (or Ocha), particularly its evolution post-1959 Cuban Revolution. The Cuban exodus spread Santería across the Americas, uniquely blending African gods with Roman Catholic saints. He highlights how Miami's Cuban exiles, many from affluent backgrounds, embraced Santería due to nostalgia, leading to its prosperous commercialization and the creation of lavish temples. In Cuba, Santería is more diverse geographically. Initially disapproved by the socialist revolution, it later gained government sponsorship in the 1980s and 90s as an alternative to the Catholic Church, integrating into the social order through local councils. In the U.S., there has been a movement, led by African-Americans and Cubans, to separate Catholic saints from Ocha practices, a trend less prevalent in Cuba.
Matory addresses the concept of 'Africanisms' in American culture, particularly in the black church, referencing Melville J. Herskovits' 'Myth of the Negro Past'. Herskovits argued that African cultures profoundly influenced American culture, especially African-American music (Soul, Gospel) and charismatic forms of Christianity like Pentecostalism, where the Holy Spirit possesses individuals similar to African spirit possession. Matory shares his personal journey, inspired by observing his Pentecostal bishop grandfather's church where elderly members would 'dance in the Spirit', and Herskovits' work helped him understand the African legacy behind these phenomena. He also recounts his experiences with Brazilian Candomblé, becoming a practitioner through a friendship with P. Francisco and illustrating the continuous 'back and forth' cultural influences between Africa and its diaspora.
Matory tackles the challenge of navigating traditional religions with modern social norms and rule of law, specifically addressing the targeting of albinos in Tanzania. He emphasizes that such crimes are widely condemned and that practices often deemed 'traditional' are often modern responses to alienation, impoverishment, and marginalization rather than ancient customs. He contextualizes the concept of 'wealth in people' common in African societies, where human bodies (especially children) are seen as the main source of wealth, but stresses that this logic rarely leads to human sacrifice, comparing it to the Christian symbolism of Christ's sacrifice. He also critiques the 'zero-sum logic' often seen in monotheistic faiths that demonize other religions, referencing Pat Robertson's remarks on Haitian Vodou and the 'pact with the devil'. He argues that religions, including African ones, can be forces of rebellion against oppression, just as Christianity has had both abolitionist and pro-slavery factions.
Matory discusses the religious acceptability of homosexuality in Haitian Vodou and other African-inspired religions. He notes that these faiths generally do not consider homosexuality a sin, in contrast to Judeo-Christian traditions. He explains that historically, male transvestism and gender fluidity often held sacred roles in West African worship. While procreation is highly valued, particularly the role of women, gay men and lesbian women are widely accepted within these traditions. He explains that the influence of external Christian views, and even early anthropologists, led to some reinterpretation, but acceptance remains strong. Finally, Matory reflects on cultural relativism, advocating for understanding other perspectives, even from those with differing views, while maintaining one's own moral compass. He argues that all cultures are capable of both self-justification for harm and self-critique for improvement.
Matory highlights how Haiti's strong community values and Vodou religion can help the country face future challenges. He notes that the Haitian people, despite 200 years of oppression, have cultivated systems of cooperation that preserve ancestral traditions and provide mutual aid. These networks extend transnationally through the Haitian diaspora, channeling resources and support for worship and healing in Haiti. He suggests that these organic forms of social solidarity and cooperative labor, such as 'comit' (mutual rebuilding), can be instrumental in Haiti's redevelopment. He expresses hope that international organizations and governments will support these community-based initiatives rather than solely focusing on centralized administration.